Execradores started in the beginning of 1991 in São Paulo with a lot of will of talking about everything that inconvenienced us in this world, to talk about our beliefs and dreams. In the course of time, we began to involve with the anarcho punk movement and we began to develop a lot of things inside this movement.

A lot of people played in Execradores and everyone in the band has/had their own ideas, develops/developed their works and whenever another person entered the band, we had a new force and we developed new works in- and outside the band. We see Execradores as a group of people with many points in common and also with a lot of respect for differences. We want people to have their individuality respected and don't feel oppressed by the force of the collective.

ExecradoresWe are an anarcho punk band, with proposals for individual and collective organization, with a lot of criticism to the world in which live in, but also the scene in which we are inserted, because a lot of times, we contemplate many social addictions and we want to break this.

We are simple people, that believe in anarchism as a form of political and social revolution and we believe in punk as a form of cultural and individual revolution -  the revolt in itself.

We like to do split releases a lot because we believe in the help between bands and we believe that in a cd, a cassette or in a lp, there's a lot of space that can be divided with sincere people that have something in common.

Another important fact is that our recordings are always distributed at low prices because we don’t believe the movement is a market where people come to make money. We make all of this for love, for believing in what we’re doing. We're against the greed and the high prices for any product, for anything. And especially inside our own scene, we fight against this!

Our sound doesn't have a definition. We don't play hardcore, punkrock, grindcore... we play what we want, we play our revolt, our hate, we play  anarchist and we define ourselves as anarcho punks. We don't limit ourselves to a musical style.

Today, Execradores is a group of friends with some things in common and work to be developed together. We want to get many contacts with people worldwide, we want to exchange things, to know realities... But please, don't write sexist, homofobic, macho, capitalist, racist...

Josimas, Paulo & Zorel

Our address is:

P.O. BOX 22542

04744-970 SAO PAULO




"Cruelties Of War" tape (selfproduced, 1991)

Execradores/Metropolixo – “Dangerous Ideologically” split-tape (Coletivo Altruísta, 1994)

Execradores/Conscious Attitude/Metropolixo – “Too Much Beyond Noise”split-tape (Coletivo Altruísta, 1993)

Execradores/Dios Odioso – split-tape

Execradores/Metropolixo – split-EP (Darbouka Recs, France, 1995)

“To Do Revolutions Of Routines, Do Routines Of Revolution...”EP (Esperanza Recs/Elephant Recs, Brazil, 1996)    

“Anti-Fascist Action!”tape (Sin Fonteras Recs, USA, 1997)

Execradores/Amor, Protesto Y Odio – split-EP (Esperanza Recs, 1998)

Execradores/Sin Dios – “The Fight!”split-CD (Esperanza Recs, 1998)

V/A – “Cenas Anarco Punks”LP (3 songs; Esperanza Recs/Boas Novas Prod., 1995)

V/A – “Animal Liberation”LP (1 song; Awakening Recs, Belgium, 1999)  





(taken from “A LUTA!” Execradores/Sin Dios split cd. Aug. 1999, Esperanza Recs.)

1:07 * 792 kB

We’re, before anything, anarchist: we believe in the human capacity to live in equality, self-managing their own lives… We’re ANARCHO PUNKS! We’re here not for anything than fight for our truth, work for a honest scene, with no lies or fame or money games...
This lyric is an assert about our vital necessity, and about our hope to do a revolution – instead it be inside ourselves.

Somos, antes de mais nada, anarquistas: acreditamos na capacidade humana de viver em igualdade, autogerindo suas prórpias vidas… Somos ANARCO PUNKS! Não estamos nessa vida para nada além de lutar pela nossa (s) verdade (s), por uma cena honesta, sem mentiras ou jogos de fama e dinheiro...
Essa letra é mais uma afirmação sobre essa necessidade vital e sobre nossa esperança em fazer revolução – mesmo que seja dentro de nós mesmos.  



(taken from “A LUTA!” Execradores/Sin Dios split cd. Aug. 1999, Esperanza Recs.)

1:37 * 1.138 kB

Its another assert about our scene and punk conception and a discussion about this. Punk is more than esthetic, or undirection revolt... Punk is a strong feeling of love and hate that complete each other and move us to do changes in ourselves and asks us to go ahead, with open heart, to a battle against the capitalist/sexist/racist behavior... rules of shit, too widespreaded around the world.

Esta é mais uma afirmação e discussão sobre nossa concepção de cena e de punk. Punk é mais que estética, ou revolta não-direcionada… Punk é um forte sentimento de amor e ódio se completam e nos movem a nos modificar e impele-nos a seguir, de coração aberto, para uma batalha contra as regras de merda, capitalistas/sexistas/racistas/comportamentais… tão espalhadas pelo mundo.


(taken from “A LUTA!” Execradores/Sin Dios split cd. Aug. 1999, Esperanza Recs.)

0:45 * 538 kB

This song is an incentive for all women in the scene to take control of their lives and beliefs… It’s common here in Brazil to see girls in the scene just as companion, many girls are here just as punk’s girlfriends, and submit their wishes to the boys. That need to stop, women, subvert this reallity, take control of your life, it’s yours... Down with the macho punks!

Essa canção é um incentivo a todas mulheres tomarem conta de suas vidas e crenças… É comum, aqui no Brazil, ver garotas na cena apenas como companhia, muitas garotas estão aqui apenas como namoradas de punks e submetem suas vontades a eles. Isso precisa acabar, mulher, subverta essa realidade, tomem o controle sobre suas vidas, elas lhes pertencem… Abaixo os punks machistas!


(taken from “A LUTA!” Execradores/Sin Dios split cd. Aug. 1999, Esperanza Recs.)

1:45 * 1.234 kB

The society impose us a series of behaviors that are “normal”, and call any others “unnormal”, “wrong”, “dirt”. The sexual behaviors also afected for this, and many people has their sexuallity imprisoned in a lot of dogmas and prejudices, becoming frustated and sad people, cause their feelings and desires are – even internally – impeded of flow. Our body is an unity, and any part of it can give us pleasure and happiness. There’s no male or female points of pleasure, and sex don’t need to be relationed with definite papers for women or man.

A sociedade nos impõe uma série de comportamentos que são “normais”, e consideram qualquer outro “anormal”, “errado”, “sujo”. Os comportamentos sexuais também são afetados por isso, e muitas pessoas têm sua sexualidade aprisionada numa porção de dogmas e preconceitos, tornando-se pessoas tristes e frustradas, pois seus sentimentos e desejos são – mesmo internamente – impedidos de fluir. Nosso corpo é uma unidade, e qualquer parte dele pode nos dar prazer e alegria. Não há “pontos de prazer” masculinos ou femininos”, e o sexo não tem de estar relacionado a papéis definidos para mulheres e homens.    



English: LIFE \\ PUNK \\ SUBVERT \\ TABOOS \\
Portugese: VIDA\\ PUNK \\ SUBVERTA \\ TABUS \\ 



To have limits  
where there is not
to be respected
and to respect

To live the anarchism
to learn day by day
to reject the hypocrisy
to transform the life in a weapon

For a lifetime
while to be breathing
do it active to revolutionize
To live the anarchism
to learn day by day
to reject the hypocrisy
to transform the life in a weapon  


We have to exercise our individuality
Seeing, however, that we are a piece to struggle for itself, and for the common benefit
To be an individual, but don’t be one more


Struggle, hate and resistance!
Marginal productions, marginal lives
Damned youths, life proposals
Rebelliousness: Existence reason!  


Against culture: our expression
Alternatives proposals for production
Radicalism in our lives, our choice!
Our lives, danger in action!


Struggle and see your stronger
Organize your resistance
Don’t follow macho molds
Create! Subversive!


Women, look around you how many of you are willing the fight?  
Many prefer that you are quiet
React and show that you have life  


A thousand lies or more (spread)
A thousand traumas and taboos
My function, your function (They are dictated)
Why to have a relationship like this:
How in the bed it reproduced the damned patriarchal system? For the woman vaginal deodorant
For sex light turned off and blanket
For the beautiful woman a female shaver
For the beautiful man a man shaver

If he wants all time her anus
If she thinks his, she tries to forget
Because a male asshole cannot be an eroticized asshole

Is man phallus?!?

It is already hour of learning to hear your body
To give more attention to the heart
To destroy your macho education
And the papers destined for me or for you

For me or for you!  




Ter seus limites  
onde näo há
ser respeitado
E respeitar
vivir o anarquismo
aprender no dia a dia
ejeitar a hipocrisia
transformar em arma a vida
por toda a vida
enquanto respirar

Fazê-la ativa
Viver o anarquismo
Aprender no dia a dia
Rejeitar a hipocrisia
Transformar em arma a vida
Temos que exercer nossa individualidade
Percebendo, porém, que somos uma parte
Lutar por si mesmo, e pelo bem comum
Ser um indivíduo, mas não ser mais um.  


Luta, ódio e resistência!
Produções marginais, vidas marginais
Jovens malditos, propostas de vida
Rebeldia: motivo da existência!


Contra cultura: nossa expressão
Alternativas propostas para produção
Radicalismo em vida nossa opção!
Nossas vidas, perigo em ação!  


Lute e veja o quanto é forte
Organize a sua resistência
Não siga moldes machistas
Crie! Subversiva!



Mulher, veja ao seu redor
Quantos estão disposta a luta?
Muitos preferem que você fique quieta
Reaja e mostre que você tem vida


Mil mentiras ou mais (espalhadas)
Mil traumas e tabus
Minha função, tua função (São ditadas)  
porque se relacionar assim:
Como se na cama se reproduzisse o maldito sistema patriarchal?

Para a mulher desodorante vaginal
Para a transa luz apagada e cobertor
Para a mulher bonita um depilador
Para o belo homem um barbeador
Se ele deseja todo tempo a ânus dela
Se ela do dele lembra tenta se esquecer
Pois um cú de macho não pode ser um cú erotizado
Homem é falo?!?
Já é hora de aprender a ouvir o seu corpo
Dar mais atenção ao coração
Destruir a sua educação machista
E os papéis destinados para mim ou para ti
Para mim ou para ti!  



(taken from Profane Existence #28)

I guess I should write an introduction to this. I spent 4 months in Brasil travelling the whole country and meeting lots of rad punks. While I stayed in the city of Sao Paulo, I decided to write an interview with Execradores, one of the older and definately influential bands of the 90's in Brasil. There isn't much that the U.S. punk scene knows about the scene in South America, so hopefully after this somewhat in depth interview, some of you readers will be interested in learning more. Some of the things may sound weird, but that is because of the translation. I may not agree with everything said here, but do feel this is a very relevant and important text. Read and enjoy. [Kerry]

P.E.: First off, could you give us a brief history of the band. What does the name "Execradores" mean?

Execradores: Execradores first appeared in 1991, with a very different formation than it is today. They passed through several musical phases and also had many problems with having a place to play, and equipment to use. Now, many problems have been resolved with a colective effort, where the bands "Metropolixo", "Amor Protesto Y Odio!", and "Execradores" joined equipment, and their ideas, and today we use a space together. This collective work has made us mature a lot and now we see this collectivity as something essential for a great organization.

Owed to this collective work we were able to release a compilation demo tape called "Muito alim do Barulho"(much more than noise) with the bands "Metropolixo", "Desertor", "Atitude Consciente" and "Execradores" (no longer available), a split demo of "Execradores" and "Metropolixo" called "Ideologoicamente Perigosa"(Dangerous ideology), and an 12" LP compilation with 10 anarchist bands from brasil, and a split 7" by "Execradores" and "Metropolixo" on Darbouka records from France.

An execrador is someone who doesn't keep inside the hatred that he or she feels. This is what we feel when we see all the social injustices: sexism, homophobia machoism, the killing of innocent and defenseless animals, etc. We looked for a name that demonstrates all the things we feel and we think "Execradores" is ideal for it.

P.E.: What are the political beliefs of the band? Are you, and if so how, active in the anarco-punk scene?

Josimas:I'm an anarchist for political position and believe that human liberation only will be possible through the freeing of predujices and authoritarian thinking. I believe inthis ideology and fight to see it in practice in the fastest way possible. Sure, we can't hurry, because there is the chance of commiting an error and seeing all of our efforts lost.

For myself, to be active in the anarco-punk scene is to try to live the anarchist thinking day by day. The punk culture, to myself, is essential because in it we develop fanzines, music, leaflets, collective living, and last, our own culture with autonomy. The most important is to have knowledge of what we do. This way, we'll be learning for the future.

Paulo:I beleive in the anarchist principles, in a free organized society, in a spontaneous and cooperative form. I look for a revolution in two ways: The first is an individual internal revolution in ones self, a personal rupture with the laws and standards of any authoritarian system. The second, consequence of the first, a revolution( armed) of the oppressed, free of the burgois values and with cooperativism inside itself, against the oppressors. And it should not be delayed any longer.

To be active is to work daily to make the fight against the oppression the fastest and greatest; to build, to produce a culture and subsist alternative ways; to show that a society, free of competition and predujices is possible; to show to people that things could be better and that this betterment depends on all of us.

Sadol: I yearn and fight daily for a new organization where the education, the consumption and the productions satisfy all collective and individual nessecities. And organization stabilized by love , solidarity and comprehension. Where there'll be no god,state or any other authoritarian symbols; Where my yearning will be satisfied by the conquering of my, of your, of our daily fight.

P.E.: Here in the U.S. we are just now learning about the scenes in Brasil, and other South American countries. Why do you think this is?

Paulo: There are several facts; but the postage price and the language barrier are really the greatest. But people are always trying more and more to learn another language, contact people, and I believe that in a short time we'll have a greater interchange.

Josimas:The Brasilian punk scene started in mid '78 and had many barriers for ideological motives and for stupid quarrels. Bands have always existed (few or many) and there has always been a demonstration somewhere. Since 1990, the punk movement started to have a few new forms of organization, through collectives and groups, and this made our culture much stronger.

Here, the postage price is so expensive, and there is great difficulty in writing in other languages, which is, in my opinion, what has happened to make the punk scene somewhat unknown to the U.S.

Sadol: It happens to be a grave fault in our organization, the communication lack. But we must not blame ourselves totally, because our reality is cruel, there are great financial problems and we can't forget that technicalogical and cultural development follow the capitalist way. Because of this, the knowledge of other languages is almost inaccessible for a great part of the population, and it includes the punks. The knowledge access is very precarious and it is, with no doubt, a great barrier to be broken (and it has been)

P.E.: What is everyday life like in Brasil? Is it difficult being a punk in Brasil?

Sadol: Living in São Paulo, Brasil is very hard, we live, or better, survive in a poor capitalist country that since its "discovery" is positioned as just an international exploration colony. More than ever now, we face a great socio-economic crisis, very low salaries, unemployment, thousands of homeless families, the educational system is totally bankrupt, the working class is totally massacred for a little bourgois caste. The hunger and misery get greater day by day, and everything is consequence of a cold, neo-liberal and callous governmental system that maintains itself at the expense of others.

Paulo: We live in a country with great unemployment, illiteracy, taxes, etc.. Poor people don't have access to education, culture, spare time, medical treatment. In many areas, children die due to sicknesses that could be easily prevented with things like basic sanitation and nourishment. There is a great political repression. I imagine that anywhere, a person who breaks the morals, behaviors, asthetic norms and looks for change, will be reprimanded for making themselves a menace. In Brasil its no different either; the population suffers due to the lack of information and manipulation. Also it discriminates us( but we're taking back, bit by bit, the populations understanding). And also here, punk gangs and nazi-skinheads muddle things up very much.

Josimas: Here lifes very hard because we have a basic salary of $100.00 a month U.S. money, and the merchandise is very expensive. We often have to work Monday through Friday from 7 to 5 and still take buses that delay us 2 hours a day also. Its not easy to make a moderate living in Brasil, and to get it, we have to work too much. To be punk in São Paulo is hard, because there is a lot of repression from police, society, family and also disagreements with nazi-skinheads. There are also punk gangs( false punks) that are nationalists, homophobics, sexists, etc..and fighting against these stupid ideas many times end up in conflicts between us, anarco-punks, and these gangs.

P.E.: What kind of problems do you have nazi Skinheads?

Josimas: The Brasilian skinheads are all tied with the fascist parties or are super-nacionalist and they hunt us because we're anarchists and spread to the people the bad thing that fascism, nazism, and nationalism are. They're homophobics and machoists, and we criticize them very much because of this. For them, there is no diologue, just violence. They have good guns. This makes us respond and take offense because we can't be stopped by these stupid and authoritarian people.

They are almost everywhere in Brasil. There are many of them and in some places they are very organized. However, there is a focused resistence everywhere in the country also.

Sadol: In brasil we have a great problem with skinheads. There are no S.H.A.R.P. members here; all skinheads here are nationalists, fascists or neo-nazis. And as I'm sure you know, we don't have conciliation with these individuals, on the contrary, what has been happening nowadays are several conflicts. They're everywhere in the country, some more organized, others not so, but the problem is that they must be combated.

Some Brasilian fascist bands to boycott are: Virus 27, Histeria, Dose Brutal, Kaos 64, Pissichi Possessor, and Garotos Podres.

Paulo: Conflicts often happen with skinheads. They're like used like "cannon-bushing" by fascist/nationalist parties. Due to our practice of spreading the internationalism, equality, that is opposed to what they deliver, we're the target of conatant threats and some of us have a head prize.

Some time ago( September 23rd, '95), a conflict occurred between skinheads and punks and I'm happy to tell you that there is one less fascist in the world. The sad thing is that a friend, that was'nt involved in the this conflict is under lawsuit as the accused of being the co-author of the murder.

In spite of all these problems, we're reacting and acting against the fascist terror.

P.E.:Here in the U.S. many Anarchists believe that punk music has no revolutionary value and is nothing more than white middle-class music. What role do politics play in your music?

Paulo: Hardcore is a cultural expression of punk. Punk is internationalist and one of its proposalsis the union of all people and cultures around the world. Its totally ridiculous to say that hardcore is music for the white , middle class; it smells like rascism to me.

Hardcore is a cultural expression of anarchism and I can't see these seperated. HC is more than music, its a group of attitudes in favor of freedom... like anarchism.

Here are many bands that call themselves punk/HC, but don't work, in any way, for anarchism and still are sexist, homophobic, and totally capitalist. Some bands are also fascist.

I can tell you some: D.F.C., Extremamente Irritante, Scum Noise, R.D.P., Colera, Innocentes (fascist), Olho Seco, and Kaos 64 (fascist)

Because they call themslves Punk/HC, they muddle up things a lot and corrupt the punk movement, so we encourage you to boycott. If you believe that Punk/@/HC is a serious thing and not a game for money and fame, don't take/buy things of these bands.

Josimas: In my opinion, the two things walk together hand in hand. I can't see punk music seperated from anarchist context. The punk/HC music is internationalist, anti-discrimination and carries a feeling of revolutionary rebellion. For me, it takes a part in the anarchist ideology. For me , the bands that aren't anarchists are just musical bands and haven't anything to do with punk/HC

Sadol: I believe that Punk/HC music has quite a lot in common with anarchist politics. First because it's anti-commercial music and for its social intervention. And,Second, because the punk culture is based in liberatarian principles.

P.E.: Are any or all of you vegetarians? Is this difficult for you in Brasil?

Sadol:I don't consume meat or leather products. I've done this now for three years and haven't had great difficulties. My choice is not just personal, its a political choice because its a way that I found to boycott one great pillar of capitalism. The murder industry of animal exploitation, forest devastation, the greenhouse effect, the breakdown of the ecological equilibrium, hunger and destruction.

Paulo: I don't consume meat/leather, besides not being a natural way of eating, including health problems, there are several problems like food scarcity, or the planet temperature elevation that could be resolved or eased with the end of meat consumption. I still eat eggs, milk and derivitives but I try not to buy these products from large industries, who really exploit and kill animals. I also know that animals have feelings, emotions, desires,etc...to kill them is to commit a crime.

Its hard to be vegetarian here. Foods like soy aren't easily found and food is one of the most expensive products here. Another great problem is that personal hygiene, industrialized food (margarine, katsup,etc..) and other things are from two or three large industry monopololies and these industries practice animal testing. Its very hard to boycott them because theres no alternative products, the alternatives on the market cost four or five times more.

Josimas:I don't eat meat, try not to use products that contain animal derivatives, and try to only eat fruits and vegetables and still eat milk and cheese. I try to buy these things in small places so that there will not a great profit and exploitation.

Maintaining a vegetarian life in Brasil is very hard because some vegetables are very expensive and its hard to find them. Most of the population is addicted to meat and meat derrivatives. Its terrible because we have malnourished people with very poor health, and many animals are dying to satisfy their killer desires. We can't ignore the killing of animals any longer, thats enough!!

P.E.: Within the punk scene, do you have a lot of problems with sexism and homophobia? Do you have a strong feminist movement?

Josimas: As I said in another question, there are false punk gangs that are very machoist, sexist, homophobic and we're against these ways of thinking because they are contradictory to @/punk.

We do our propaganda in favor of the rights of homosexuals and women, and these gangs don't like it,so there are conflicts that are usually tense discussions and sometimes they end in physical violence.

Here, the feminist movement inside the punk movement is very decentralised and acts sporatically. Theres agoo d fanzine "Libertacão Feminim"(Female Liberation) and another that for a long time I haven't seen, "Pandora". The feminist movement was started by individual actions, where the women steadied their positions day by day at home, at work... but as an organized group, its weak.

Sadol: No, nowadays we don't face this kind of problem, people that form the anarco-punk scene ( at least in this area) are coherent and evolved in what they do. Homophobia, sexism, for us are social drugs, and they don't have a place in our scene; we exclude them.

In the punk movement there are nowadays, very few people dedicated specifically to feminism. A large part of feminism groups are connected with parties or governmental institutions. The fight for female liberation is certainly our fight too, so we'll always be sympathetic to the fight and defend the equality and insubmissiveness of our companions.

Paulo: Inside the anarco-punk scene I don't see homophobia or sexism; everyone (for the most part) defends sexual freedom and the individual persons rights. Sure, sometimes someone appears, interested in manipulating peoples feelings, just wanting sex...but when discovered, are boycotted, ignored, until they leave the scene that they never took part in.

The feminist question is approached daily, and the women (and some men) fight for equality of the individual. Nowadays, there are a few groups who return to this question.

A large part of feminist groups in Brasil are involved with political parties and by working with power and laws, reproduce and encourage a society where neither the women or the men are superior.

P.E.: What do you think of western religions like the Mormons invading the smallest of villages in North Brasil?

Paulo: The little villages in Northern Brasil are very isolated from each other which can justify the great quantity of different religions. Due to its lack of communication with the rest of the world, It's very easy for a religious leader to manipulate and convert a group of people.

It's necessary to fight against all religion, because of their metaphores, prohibitions, promises, etc..They transform humanity to a resigned state, to an obedient slave and to a great producer of wealth.

Josimas: I'm against any religion, because they just enslave the human mind, looking for the wealth of some religious leader.

Brasil is a country formed by immagrants of several parts of the world, and each one brings a religious belief and they try to spread it where they live.

With the Amazonian people, its too easy, because there the people don't have a lot of information and are very naive. It makes it easy for any religion to penetrate the area there.

Sadol: It's really sad, if in the big cities, where the culture and information level is a little higher. There is theft and manipulation by the damn religions. What can we say about the small villages, by their choice or not, are very isolated from our world and because its difficult for them to have access to knowledge of human sciences; it makes them easy victims of opertunist religious colonizors.

The fight, anti-clergical, athiest or anti-authority (however you want to define it) must be spread to these areas, to prove to these people, through the argument offered scientific materialism, the inexistence of god and then make them free of oppression, dogmatization and divine exploration. Long live revolution, death to leaders, gods and myths.

P.E.:In Sao Paulo I know there is an enormous amount of homeless; What sort of problems are there?

Sadol: Once again, the problem comes from the socio-economic system, from the capitalist social organization structure. The native question has always been a great problem in this country. Now, the capitalist development, in the forms of neo-liberal government, the situation is much worse. The social inequality is so great that it leaves the majority of society with minimal surviving conditions. Then men, women, and children, in short, entire families are left homeless and hungry and without living perspectives.

And if it wasn't enough, the cruel "life" that those people are forced to the life that these people are forced to live, mant times they become victims of violent massacres ordered by the state and its repressive institution the military police, who do their dirty job very well, being the bourgoisies' watchdog; defending the property usurped from the people by the parasite bourgois mob. Thats enough! Stop social injustice, stop the military. Society with equality and social organization is made with freedom and respect for the rights of all beings.

Paulo: We live in capitalist country thats often in crisis, which generates, as I said before, unemployment and marginalization. People find themselves forced to live in the streets, eating the leftovers or charities of societys consumption. This problem also forces the people to abandon their children, who continue living in the streets where they start to steal to survive. Massacres happen often, done by the police or by professional killers (who work for the police) contracted by areas businessmen, intended to "clean-up" the area. These slaughters happen often and children are killed daily by this.

The murderous military from Brasil are never condemned for their crimes because they're judged by the military justice. The military police is autonomous in the society.

Josimas: In Brasil, 90% of the population is poor in this 90%, 15% live in the streets and 30% live in shacks. People who live in the streets form families that live asking for money, selling paper found in the garbage or eating restaurants leftovers that they find in the garbage, etc.. Many times due to hunger some of them steal food. The police hunt them in a cowardly way, killing many of them at one time, mainly the children, who are defenseless.

P.E.: Additional comments, etc.?

Josimas: I want to thank everyone who reads this interview and would like for people disagree with our opinions to write us and talk with us, because we don't think of ourselves as the masters of the truth. In the end of this interview are addresses of bands and @ groups.

Sadol: Thanks to Kerry and others from Profane Existence and everyone who gave us attention up until now. Execradores is waiting for contacts for discussion, information, trades and everything.

We're waiting for your letters and take this oppertunity to say that beyond band activities we also work with a label called "Esperanza Graraciones", a distributor of EP's, LP's, cassettes, t-shirts, papers, magazines, books, etc.. Collectives, bands, individuals, animals....get in touch, and please, if possible, send an IRC. Health, freedom and resistence!

Paulo: Thanks to Profane Existence for this space, especially to our new friend Kerry, and to you who reads this, and are interested in what have to say.

We are waiting for your contact. If you want to trade more ideas or material, write first, and please send IRC's if possible. We are poor and postage is very expensive! Remember that a society free of oppression will only exist if we work and fight for it. It won't improve if all we do criticize; we need to produce! Kisses for everyone!



Caixa Postal 22542

Sao Paulo - SP CEP 04798-970







Flag (from the Latin drappellum) it is a textile piece used as badge of country or association.

With passing of the centuries, corporations, clubs, religious entities, military, political parties and nations started to have their pavilions with drawings and colors previously resolved: The labor unions also debated their emblems, approved on assemblies their flags to produce larger class representation.

The anarchists never felt to the work of to discussing in Congress and to approving their " Pavilion ", the most appropriate colors to express their life philosophy.

As well as the word anarchy, adopted by Proudhon, was already used in the century XIII - the king Philipe of Bel used it to call rampagers who opposed themselves to him - the anarchists' black flag had also been already used to demonstrate displeasure, sadness, revolt, to the Parisian politicians' procedure.  

Hoisted for the first time in the top of the Camera of Paris, in July of 1830 - the people with the black flag - they intended to express their repudiation to the capitalism, to the politicians, to the State!

The produced echo was immediate and the bricklayers of Reims enrolled in the pleats of this emblem: " work or death ".

The following year, Cannuts (weaving workers) of Lyon, to protest against the patronage, that only paid them 20 patacos for 16 working hours, in state inssurection and revolt they spread the black flag with the emblem: " be working or die combatting ". In November 21 of the same year the masters of weavings returned to the streets of Lyon and they were massacred, but they were not frightened, on the contrary, they included in the black flag a skull.

In the insurrection of Dresden, Bakunin seized the black flag, and Luisa Michel, in Clamart.

During the revolution that gave origin the commune of Paris, in the year of 1871, the comunists flew the red flag, but Jules Valtes propose that it is changed by the black flag, for being " more radical and sadder ". Luisa Michel supported and it ever defended the idea of the black flag, and in 1882 (March 18) making speeches in the first birthday of the commune said: " not more red flags painted in our soldiers' blood! I will fly the black flag that takes the mourning of our deads and our pains ".

The parson of Luisa Michel was who more influenced on the adoption, winding the black flag in her body " as she had been a screen in a stem " (L. Humanité - 1921).

But it was in 1883, when France lived intense social agitation, that the anarchism adopted the black flag definitively.

In the north of Paraná, Brasil, the Italian anarchists that came to found the Colônia Cecília, in the years of 1890-94, hoisted also at the summit of the tallest tree the black flag floating to the wind as symbol of the libertarian experience.

Already in our century, or more exactly, in the course of the Russian revolution of 1917, Nestor Makno, anarchist and revolutionary Ukrainian with a hardened one popular army formed by him to sweep of the area the troops of Denikin, Petliura and other monarchistic conservatives. Makno also carried the black flag with a skull.

In the years of 1918-22, Nestor Makno and his companions seized the same flag in the libretarian Ukrainian comunities defense destroyed by the red army, commanded from Moscow by Trotsky and Lenin, the great grave-diggers of the revolution whith collaboration of Zinoviev and Stalin.

Almost two decades later, the spanish Boaventura Durruti, with a small popular army in Catalunha, seized the black flag as anarchist pavilion.

But the black flag that produced larger impact was flown in May of 1968, in Paris, during the student manifestations when a human wave took universities, pulled paving stones of the streets and lifted barricades with them to face the polices and the government.

There was exactly 137 years that the black flag had floated for the first time in the Tower of the Camera of Paris, when an intellectual world, revolutionary and worker went back their glances again to the capital of the France! Once again Paris is the stage of a great social convulsion, with the black flag as pavilion.

From the end of the war (1945) to the manifestations of Paris (1968), France had lost its colonial empire, PSU (Party Unified Socialist), of formation Trotskista, that invests against the softness of PCF (Party French Communist) are born, it increases UNEF (national Union of the Students of France) and Guy Mollet's Government floats to the full powers of De Gaulle, in the occasion first minister of the government René Coty, giving birth to the fifth Republic.

Even so, the revolutionary picture had a frame of iron formed by the fascist and communist reaction disposed to impede any price thelibrtarian student march.

George Marches doesn't leave you doubt when writing about it in May 10 of 1968 in the Humanité: " not satisfied with the agitation that they lead in the student movement, the agitation that thwarts the interests of the students' mass and favors the fascist provocations, suddenly these pseudo revolutionaries emit the pretension of giving lessons to the labor movement. More and more they are seen at the factories doors or in the immigrated workers' centers distributing pamphlets and propaganda material. It is certain anarchists, trotskistas, Maoist, etc. little groups, composed in general of children of big bourgeois and driven by the German anarchist Cohn Bendit ".

Dragged and pushed by the impact of the libertarian students, leaning for ten million strikers, the " communists " of PCF did all they could to neutralize a spontaneous movement that wrote its own history with graffiti and gluing posters in the walls of the State, challenging the authorities and the government power!

When completing 24 years on that May of 1992 that the black flag flew in Paris, the anarchists don't see in that flag more than a symbol that doesn't involve faiths, disputes, conquers or defeats.

When the libertarian are beaten seizing the black flag, for them it is worth about a mark around which they meet ideas of social emancipation, of human solidarity!

Rio de Janeiro, February of 1992.

Edgar Rodrigues



…In Milano, Rossi * by chance finds the emperor of Brazil, Pedro II, to which gave a volume of his work A Socialist Colony. As some reports of the time, the book was read with interest by the monarch that invited Rossi to accomplish his project in Brazil, offering him 30000 earth m2 and the necessary support.

The news was published in the anarchist newspapers, and Rossi sent his appeal to gather his first colonists.

Malatesta disagreed of the initiative, sustaining the argument that a revolutionary should struggle here he lives. The newspaper A Rivindicação(The Revindication) (Forli, 03/18/1891) published a letter of Malatesta in the which he affirmed: "the immigration is a valve of safety that moves away the revolutionary objective".

In spite of the contrary opinion from the famous revolutionary, the first adhesions began to appear, from Lombardia and Toscana. Finally, a group of six pioneers, including Rossi, left the Porto of Gênova, in 02/20/1890. A second group was formed and it left on 02/03 and 02/04/1891. Together, in Brazil, the futures colonists went to Paraná (south of Brazil), where they built the first houses, worked the earth, built a mill and a communal oven. The colony began with 300 participants; it counted with a drugstore, a school and a library. Everything was resolved in assembly, with the participation of all in the discussions. Everyone was free and equal, worked second each one capacity, without obeying anybody, with no law or authority. On the talllest palm tree, the red and black flag of the anarchism trembled.

But nor everything ran peacefully, because the emperor had been testified and the new republican government collected the payment of the lands of the colony and of the taxes, under confiscation threat. In spite of that, everything went well because there were not obstacles to get the demanded amount. In the occasion, an Argentinean has just arrived, calling himself anarchist. That individual, called José Goriga, obtained the colonists' trust and took the responsibility for the communal bottoms obtained with the sale of the corn. Later, he would come to flee to with two million of the current money with the file of the Colony.

It was a hard blow, but the anarchists resisted and the swinging of 12/31/1892 registered an assets of 14,5 million. The experience was accompanied with interest in Brazil and in the rest of the world. The republican government, then, accused the anarchists of have taken possession of more fertile lands, threatening them of expulsion and prison. Since then, some colonists began to give up. An epidemic caused seven anarchists' deathes. The neighbors accused the colonists of spread the epidemic.

In 1892, in elapsing of one of the popular revolts of the time, a certain Emílio Sigwalt, joined the colony, escaping from persecutions. With the arrival of troops federal, several colonists were beaten brutally, but they didn't reveal the hiding place of Sigwalt. In reprisal, the soldiers disabled the mill, destroyed the equipments, and they throw the crop in the river.

Zélia Gattai, descending of one of the first colonists, in the book Anarchists, thanks to god (?), marks that, at that time of the crop, did a neighbor loosen his cows in the plantation, liquidating the last Colônia Cecília hope of survival. The experience finished in March of 1894, but it was the experience.

Italian *anarchist, author of the book A Socialist Colony, where his proposals for a free community, with collectivized lands were exposed.


Bandeira (do latim drappellum) é um pedaço de pano usado como distintivo de pais ou de associação.

Com o passar dos séculos, corporações, clubes, entidades religiosas, militares, partidos políticos e nações passaram a ter seus pavilhões com desenhos e cores previamente decididos: Os sindicatos operários também debateram seus emblemas, aprovaram em assembléias seus estandartes para produzir maior representatividade de classe.

Os anarquistas nunca se deram ao trabalho de discutir em congresso e aprovar seu "Pavilhão", as cores mais adequadas para expressar sua filosofia de vida.

Assim como o vocábulo anarquia, adotado por Proudhon, já era empregado no século XIII – o rei Philipe de Bel usava-o para chamar de desordeiros aos que se opunham – também a bandeira negra dos anarquistas já havia sido usada para demonstrar desagrado, tristeza, revolta, com o procedimento dos políticos parisienses.

Hasteada pela primeira vez no topo da Câmara de Paris, em julho de 1830 – o povo com a bandeira negra – pretendeu externar seu repúdio ao capitalismo, aos políticos, ao Estado!

O eco produzido foi imediato e os pedreiros de Reims inscreveram nas pregas desta insígnia: "trabalho ou morte".

No ano seguinte, os Cannuts (tecelões) de Lyon, para protestar contra o patronato, que só lhes pagava 20 patacos por 16 horas de trabalho, em estado de revolta insurrecional desfraldaram a bandeira negra com o emblema: "viver trabalhando ou morrer combatendo". Em 21 de novembro do mesmo ano os mestres tecelões voltaram às ruas de Lyon e foram massacrados, mas não se intimidaram, pelo contrário, incluíram na bandeira negra uma caveira.

Na insurreição de Dresde, Bakunin empunhou a bandeira negra, e Luisa Michel, em Clamart.

Durante a revolução que deu origem a comuna de Paris, no ano de 1871, os comunardos hastearam a bandeira vermelha, mas Jules Valtes propõem que se troque pela bandeira negra, por ser "mais radical e mais triste". Luisa Michel apoiou e defendeu desde então a idéia da bandeira negra, e em 1882 (18 de março) discursando no primeiro aniversário da comuna disse: "não mais bandeiras vermelhas banhadas em sangue de nossos soldados! Eu hastearei a bandeira negra que leva o luto de nossos mortos e as nossas dores".

A figura de Luisa Michel foi quem mais influiu na adoção, enrolando a bandeira negra no seu corpo" como se fora uma tela numa haste" (L. Humanité – 1921).

Mas foi em 1883, quando a França vivia intensa agitação social, que o anarquismo adotou a bandeira negra definitivamente.

No norte do Paraná, brasil, os anarquistas italianos que vieram fundar a Colônia Cecília, nos anos de 1890-94, também hastearam no cimo da mais alta árvore a bandeira negra flutuando ao vento como símbolo da experiência libertária.

Já no nosso século, ou mais exatamente, no curso da revolução russa de 1917, Nestor Makno, anarquista e revolucionário ucraniano à frente de um aguerrido exercito popular formado por ele para varrer da região as tropas de Denikin, Petliura e outros conservadores monarquistas, também carregou a bandeira negra com uma caveira.

Nos anos de 1918-22, o anarquista Nestor Makno e seus companheiros empunharam o mesmo estandarte em defesa das comunidades libertárias ucranianas destruídas pelo exército vermelho comandado desde Moscou por Trotsky e Lenin, os grandes coveiros da revolução coma colaboração Zinoviev e Stalin.

Quase duas décadas mais tarde, o anarquista espanhol Boa Ventura Durruti à frente de um pequeno exército popular na Catalunha, empunhou a bandeira negra como pavilhão anarquista.

Mais a bandeira negra que produziu maior impacto foi hasteada em maio de 1968, em Paris, durante as manifestações estudantis quando uma onda humana tomou universidades, arrancou paralelepípedos das ruas e levantou barricadas com eles para enfrentar a policia e o governo.

Fazia exatamente 137 anos que a bandeira negra havia flutuado na Torre da Câmara de Paris pela primeira vez, quando um mundo intelectual, revolucionário e operário voltou seus olhares de novo para a capital da frança! Mais uma vez Paris é palco de grande convulsão social, tendo como pavilhão a bandeira negra.

Do fim da guerra (1945) às manifestações de Paris (1968), a França perdera seu império colonial, nascem o PSU (Partido Socialista Unificado), de formação Trotskista, que investe contra a moleza do PCF (Partido Comunista Francês), aumenta astronomicamente a UNEF (União nacional dos Estudantes de França) e o Governo de Guy Mollet flutua até aos plenos poderes de De Gaulle, na ocasião primeiro ministro do governo René Coty, dando nascimento à quinta República.

Assim mesmo, o quadro revolucionário tinha uma moldura de ferro formada pela reação fascista e comunista disposta a impedir a qualquer preço a marcha libertária estudantil.

George Marchais não deixa duvidas ao escrever a respeito no dia 1° de maio de 1968 humanité: "não satisfeitos com a agitação que conduzem nos meios estudantis, a agitação que contraria os interesses da massa dos estudantes e favorece as provocações fascistas, eis que esses pseudo revolucionários emitem agora a pretensão de dar lições ao movimento operário. Cada vez mais são vistos nas portas das fábricas ou nos centros de trabalhadores imigrados distribuindo panfletos e material e propaganda. Trata-se de certos grupúsculos anarquistas, trotskistas, maoístas, etc., compostos em geral de filhos de grandes burgueses e dirigidos pelo anarquista alemão Cohn Bendit".

Arrastados e empurrados pelo impacto dos estudantes libertários, apoiados por dez milhões de grevistas, os "comunistas" do PCF fizeram de tudo para neutralizar um movimento espontâneo que escreveu a sua própria história com graffiti e colando cartazes nas muralhas do Estado, desafiando o poder das autoridades, do governo!

Ao completar 24 anos nesse maio de 1992 que a bandeira negra esvoaçou em Paris, os anarquistas não vêem nessa bandeira mais do que um símbolo que não envolve crenças, disputas, conquista ou derrota.

Quando os libertários se batem empunhando a bandeira negra, para eles vale como um marco em torno do qual se reúnem idéias de emancipação social, de solidariedade humana!

Rio de Janeiro, fevereiro de 1992.

Edgar Rodrigues



…Em Milão, Rossi* por acaso encontra o imperador do Brasil, Pedro II, ao qual presenteou um volume de sua obra Uma Colônia Socialista. Segundo alguns relatos da época, o livro é lido com interesse pelo monarca que convida Rossi para realizar seu projeto no Brasil, oferecendo-lhe 300 alqueires de terra e o necessário apoio.

A notícia é divulgada nos jornais anarquistas, e Rossi lança seu apelo para reunir seus primeiros colonos.

Malatesta discorda da iniciativa, sustentando o argumento de que um revolucionário deve lutar onde vive. O jornal A Reivindicação (Forli, 18/03/1891) publicou uma carta de Malatesta na qual ele afirma: "a imigração é uma válvula de segurança que afasta o objetivo revolucionário."

A despeito da opinião contrária do famoso revolucionário, começam a aparecer as primeiras adesões, desde a Lombardia e a Toscana. Finalmente, um grupo de seis pioneiros, incluindo Rossi, saiu do Porto de Gênova, em 20/02/1890. Um segundo grupo se forma e parte nos dias 03 e 04/02/1891. Juntos, no Brasil, os futuros colonos se dirigiram ao Paraná (sul do Brasil), onde construíram as primeiras casas, trabalharam a terra, edificaram um moinho e um forno comunais. A colônia inicia-se com 300 participantes; contava com uma farmácia, uma escola e uma biblioteca. Tudo era decidido em assembléia, com a participação de todos nas discussões. Todos eram livres e iguais, trabalhavam segundo sua capacidade, sem obedecer a ninguém, sem lei ou autoridade. Sobre a mais alta palmeira,  tremulava a bandeira vermelha e negra do anarquismo.  

Mas nem tudo correu tranqüilamente, pois o imperador havia sido deposto e o novo governo republicano cobrava da colônia o pagamento das terras e dos impostos, sob a ameaça de confisco. Apesar disso, tudo ia bem pois não havia obstáculos para conseguir a quantia exigida. Na ocasião, acabara de chegar um argentino, que se dizia anarquista. Esse indivíduo, chamado José Goriga, obteve a confiança dos colonos e assumiu a responsabilidade pelos fundos comunais obtidos com a venda do milho. Posteriormente, viria a fugir com dois contos de réis e com o arquivo da Colônia.

Foi um duro golpe, mas os anarquistas resistiram e o balanço de 31/12/1892 registrava um ativo de 14,5 contos de réis. A experiência era acompanhada com interesse no Brasil e no resto do mundo. O governo republicano, então, acusou os anarquistas de terem se apossado de terras mais férteis, ameaçando-os de expulsão e prisão. A partir daí, alguns colonos começaram a desistir. Uma epidemia ocasionou a morte de sete anarquistas. Os vizinhos acusaram os colonos de propagarem a epidemia.

Em 1892, no decorrer de uma das revoltas populares da época, um certo Emílio Sigwalt, juntou-se a colônia, fugindo de perseguições. Com a chegada de tropas federais, vários colonos foram brutalmente espancados, mas não revelaram o esconderijo de Sigwalt. Em represália, os soldados inutilizaram o moinho, destruíram os equipamentos, e jogaram a colheita no rio.

Zélia Gattai, descendente de um dos primeiros colonos, no livro Anarquistas, Graças a deus (?), assinala que, na época da colheita, um vizinho soltou suas vacas na plantação, liquidando a ultima esperança de sobrevivência da Colônia Cecília. A experiência terminou em março de 1894, mas ficou a experiência.

*anarquista italiano, autor da obra Uma Colônia Socialista, onde eram expostas suas propostas para uma comunidade livre, com terras coletivizadas.